1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Maccabees, Books of

​MACCABEES, BOOKS OF, the name given to several Apocryphalbooks of the Old Testament. The Vulgate contains twobooks of Maccabees which were declared canonical by thecouncil of Trent (1546) and found a place among the Apocryphaof the English Bible. Three other books of this name areextant. Book iii. is included in the Septuagint but not in theVulgate. Book iv. is embraced in the Alexandrian, Sinaitic,and other MSS. of the Septuagint, as well as in some MSS. ofJosephus. A “Fifth” book is contained in the AmbrosianPeshitta, but it seems to be merely a Syriac reproduction ofthe sixth book of Josephus’s history of the Jewish War. Noneof the books of Maccabees are contained in the Vatican (B);all of them are found in a Syriac recension.

1 Maccabees was originally written in Hebrew, but is preservedonly in a Greek translation. Origen gives a transliterationof “its Semitic title,”^[1] and Jerome says distinctly:“The First Book of Maccabees I found in Hebrew.” Thefrequent Hebraisms which mark the Greek translation, as wellas the fact that some obscure passages in the Greek text arebest accounted for as mistranslations from the Hebrew, affordinternal evidence of the truth of this testimony. There aregood reasons for regarding the book as a unity, although somescholars (Destinon, followed by Wellhausen) consider theconcluding chapters (xiii.–xvi.) a later addition unknown toJosephus, who, however, seems to have already used the Greek.It probably dates from about the beginning of the first centuryB.C.^[2]

As it supplies a detailed and accurate record of the fortyyears from the accession of Antiochus Epiphanes to the deathof Simon (175–135 B.C.), without doubt the most stirringchapter in Jewish history, the book is one of the most precioushistorical sources we possess. In its careful chronology, basedupon the Seleucid era, in the minuteness of its geographicalknowledge, in the frankness with which it records defeat aswell as victory, on the restraint with which it speaks of theenemies of the Jews, in its command of details, it bears onits face the stamp of genuineness. Not that it is wholly freefrom error or exaggeration, but its mistakes are due merely todefective knowledge of the outside world, and its overstatements,virtually confined to the matter of numbers, proceedfrom a patriotic desire to magnify Jewish victories. Whilethe author presumably had some written sources at his disposal,^[3]his narrative is probably for the most part founded uponpersonal knowledge and recollection of the events recorded,and upon such first-hand information as, living in the second ​generation after, he would still be in a position to obtain. Hissole aim is honestly to relate what he knew of the gloriousstruggles of his nation.

Although written in the style of the historical books of theold Testament, the work is characterized by a religious reticencewhich avoids even the use of the divine name, and by thevirtual absence of the Messianic hope. The observance of thelaw is strongly urged, and the cessation of prophecy deplored(iv. 46; xiv. 41). There is no allusion either to the immortalityof the soul or to the resurrection of the dead. The rewardsto which the dying Mattathias points his sons are all for thislife. Many scholars are of opinion that the unknown authorwas a Sadducee,^[4] but all that can be said with certainty isthat he was a Palestinian Jew devotedly attached to the nationalcause.

2 Maccabees, the epitome of a larger work in five books byone Jason of Cyrene, deals with the same history as its predecessor,except that it begins at a point one year earlier (176B.C.), and stops short at the death of Nicanor (161 B.C.), thuscovering a period of only fifteen years. First of all^[5] the writerdescribes the futile attempt of Heliodorus to rob the Temple,and the malicious intrigues of the Benjamite Simon againstthe worthy high priest Onias III. (iii. i–iv. 6). As throwinglight upon the situation prior to the Maccabaean revolt thissection of the book is of especial value. Chapters iv. 7–vii. 42contain a more detailed narrative of the events recorded in1 Macc. i. 10–64. The remainder of the book runs parallelto 1 Macc, iii.–vii.

Originally written in excellent Greek, from a pronouncedlyPharisaic standpoint, it was possibly directed against theHasmonaean dynasty. It shows no sympathy with the priestlyclass. Both in trustworthiness and in style it is inferior to1 Macc. Besides being highly coloured, the narrative does notobserve strict chronological sequence. Instead of the soberannalistic style of the earlier historian we have a work markedby hyperbole, inflated rhetoric and homiletic reflection. Bitterinvective is heaped upon the national enemies, and strongpredilection is shown for the marvellous. The fullness andinaccuracy of detail which are a feature of the book suggestthat Jason’s information was derived from the recollectionsof eye-witnesses orally communicated. In spite of its obviousdefects, however, it forms a useful supplement to the firstbook.

The writer’s interests are religious rather than historical.In 1 Macc, there is a keen sense of the part to be playedby the Jews themselves, of the necessity of employing theirown skill and valour; here they are made to rely rather upondivine intervention. Fantastic apparitions of angelic andsupernatural beings, gorgeously arrayed and mostly uponhorseback, are frequently introduced. In general, the viewsreflected in the book are those of the Pharisees. The ungodlywill be punished mercilessly, and in exact correspondence totheir sins.^[6] The chastisements of erring Jews are of shortduration, and intended to recall them to duty. If the faithfulsuffer martyrdom, it is in order to serve as an example to others,and they shall be compensated by being raised up “unto aneternal renewal of life.” The eschatology of 2 Macc. is singularlyadvanced, for it combines the doctrine of a resurrectionwith that of immortality. It is worthy of note that theRoman Church finds support in this book for its teaching withreference to prayers for the dead and purgatory (xii. 43 seq.).An allusion to Jeremiah as “he who prayeth much for thepeople and the holy city” (xv. 14) it likewise appeals to asfavouring its views respecting the intercession of the saints.

Neither of Jason’s work, nor of the epitomizer’s, can theprecise date be determined. The changed relations with Rome(viii. 10, 36) prove, however, that the latter was written laterthan 1 Macc.; and it is equally clear that it was composedbefore the destruction of Jerusalem, A.D. 70.

3 Maccabees, although purporting to be an historical narrative,is really an animated, if somewhat vapid, piece of fictionwritten in Greek somewhere between 100 B.C. and A.D. 70,^[7] andapparently preserved only in part.^[8] It has no connexion withthe Hasmonaeans, but is a story of the deliverance experiencedby the Egyptian Jews from impending martyrdom at the handsof Ptolemy IV. Philopator, who reigned in the century previousto the Maccabaean rising (222–205 B.C.). The title is of laterorigin, and rendered possible only by the generalization of thename Maccabee so as to embrace all who suffered for the ancestralfaith. Josephus refers the legend on which it is based tothe time of Ptolemy VII. Physcon (146–117 B.C.). Some scholars(Ewald, Reuss, Hausrath) think that what the story reallypoints to is the persecution under Caligula, but in that casePtolemy would naturally have been represented as claimingdivine honours. No other source informs us of a visit to Jerusalem,or of a persecution of the Jews, on the part of Philopator.Possibly, however, the story may be founded on some historicalsituation regarding which we have no definite knowledge. Thepurpose of the writer was evidently to cheer his Egyptianbrethren during some persecution at Alexandria. Althoughthe book was favourably regarded in the Syrian, it was apparentlyunknown to the Latin Church. Among the Jews it wasvirtually ignored.

4 Maccabees differs essentially from the other books of thisname. While it does not itself aim at being a history, it makesstriking use of Jewish history for purposes of edification. Itbears, moreover, a distinctly philosophical character, and takesthe form of a “tractate” or discourse, addressed to Jews only,^[10]upon “the supremacy of pious reason over the passions.”^[11] Thematerial is well arranged and systematically handled. In theprologue (i. 1–12) the writer explains the aim and scope of hiswork. Then follows the first main division (i. 13–iii. 18), inwhich he treats philosophically the proposition that reason isthe mistress of the passions, inquiring what is meant by “reason”and what by “passion,” as well as how many kinds of passionthere are, and whether reason rules them all. The conclusionreached is that with the exception of forgetfulness and ignoranceall the affections are under the lordship of reason, or at all eventsof pious reason. To follow the dictates of pious reason in oppositionto natural inclination is to have learned the secret ofvictory over the passions. In the second part of the book(iii. 19–xviii. 5) the writer goes on to prove his thesis from Jewishhistory, dwelling in particular upon the noble stand made againstthe tyranny of Antiochus IV. Epiphanes by the priest Eleazar,the seven brothers and their mother—all of whom chose tortureand death rather than apostatize from the faith. Finally heappeals to his readers to emulate these acts of piety (xvii. 7–xviii.24). In his gruesome descriptions of physical sufferings theauthor offends against good taste even more than the writer of2 Macc., while both contrast very unfavourably in this respectwith the sober reserve of the gospel narratives.

The book is written in a cultured, if somewhat rhetorical,Greek style, and is unmistakably coloured by the Stoic philosophy.The four cardinal virtues are represented as forms of wisdom,which again is inseparable from the Mosaic law. That the writerowes no slavish adherence to any philosophical system is plainfrom his independent treatment of the affections. Althoughinfluenced by Hellenism, he is a loyal Jew, earnestly desirousthat all who profess the same faith should adhere to it in spiteof either Greek allurements or barbaric persecution. It is not toreason as such, but only to pious reason (i.e. to reason enlightenedand controlled by the divine law), that he attributes lordship overthe passions. While in his zeal for legalism he virtually adoptsthe standpoint of Pharisaism, he is at one with Jewish Hellenismin substituting belief in the soul’s immortality for the doctrineof a bodily resurrection.

The name of the author is unknown. He was, however,clearly a Hellenistic Jew, probably resident in Alexandria orAsia Minor. In the early Church the work was commonlyascribed to Josephus and incorporated with his writings. Butapart from the fact that it is found also in several MSS. of theSeptuagint, the language and style of the book are incompatiblewith his authorship. So also is the circumstance that 2 Macc.,which forms the basis of 4 Macc., was unknown to Josephus.Moreover, several unhistorical statements (such as, e.g. thatSeleucus was succeeded by his son Antiochus Epiphanes, iv. 15)militate against the view that Josephus was the author. Thedate of composition cannot be definitely fixed. It is, however,safe to say that the book must have been written later than2 Macc., and (in view of the acceptance it met with in theChristian Church) prior to the destruction of Jerusalem. Mostlikely it is a product of the Herodian period.

5 Maccabees. Writing in 1566 Sixtus Senensis mentionshaving seen at Lyons a manuscript of a so-called “Fifth Bookof Maccabees” in the library of Santas Pagninus, which was soonafterwards destroyed by fire. It began with the words: “Afterthe murder of Simon, John his son became high priest in hisstead.” Sixtus conjectures that it may have been a Greektranslation of the “chronicles” of John Hyrcanus, alluded toin 1 Macc., xvi. 24. He acknowledges that it is a history ofHyrcanus practically on the lines of Josephus, but concludesfrom its Hebraistic style that it was not from that writer’s pen.The probability, however, is that it was “simply a reproductionof Josephus, the style being changed perhaps for a purpose”(Schürer).

The Arabic “Book of Maccabees” contained in the Paris andLondon Polyglotts, and purporting to be a history of the Jewsfrom the affair of Heliodorus (186 B.C.) to the close of Herod’sreign, is historically worthless, being nothing but a compilationfrom 1 and 2 Macc. and Josephus. In the one chapter (xii.)where the writer ventures to detach himself from these workshe commits glaring historical blunders. The book was writtenin somewhat Hebraistic Greek subsequent to A.D. 70. InCotton’s English translation of The Five Books of Maccabees itis this book that is reckoned the “Fifth.”